More than forty-nine million six hundred thousand women, girls and little girls suffer the direct consequences of the conflict in Sudan; assaulted and outraged without mercy, they are raped day and night, at the slightest carelessness, as soon as they are seen somewhere by Sudanese men throughout the country.
Many of them are armed combatants throughout the country, who force them and beat them, violently force their legs open and shatter their souls without hesitation, forever breaking their lives and destroying their childhood and condemning them to martyrdom and stigma, before the calculated silence of Western news networks.
There is a mathematics of indifference that reveals, with chilling precision, the selective character of geopolitical compassion in the West. When the armed conflagration broke out on April 15, 2023, between the Sudanese Armed Forces, commanded by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, alias Hemedti, international agencies estimated just over twelve million four hundred thousand people at extreme risk. Today, multiplying that initial metric by four after more than three years of devastating war, the consolidated data in the July 2026 updates from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and UN Women reveal a colossal and unbearable figure: more than forty-nine million six hundred thousand women, girls and little girls thrown into a condition of absolute defenselessness, exposed to systematic sexual violence, kidnapping and servitude, in practice, to slavery.
Multiplying by four the volume of victims in such a dizzying period is not just an epidemiological indicator of barbarism. It is the irrefutable proof that armed aggression and gender-based violence against the bodies of women and little girls have been consolidated as a strategic weapon of mass terror, ethnic cleansing and territorial control. However, in the face of the largest crisis of displacement and systematic subjugation of children and women on the planet, the response of the large Western media conglomerates is not emergency coverage, but the rigorous maintenance of a wall of silence.
This omission is not due to the information fatigue with which bourgeois academia justifies its disinterest, but to structural geopolitical reasons. For the hegemonic media architecture, suffering is translatable into news coverage only when it aligns with the defensive or commercial interests of the North Atlantic powers. Delving into the Sudanese tragedy would require unmasking the financial and logistical web that fuels the uninterrupted flow of weaponry to both sides.
In this network of complicity, the United Arab Emirates stands out directly, whose logistical support and supply of heavy weaponry through routes crossing Chad and Libya to supply the Rapid Support Forces has been extensively documented in the reports of the United Nations Group of Experts on Sudan presented to the Security Council.
Added to this is the historical participation of the Wagner Group and its successor structures under the control of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, linked to the trafficking and exploitation of Sudanese gold in exchange for military training and equipment for Hemedti’s militias.
On the part of the regular army of the Sudanese Armed Forces, arms and drone transfers have been backed by state actors such as Iran and Egypt, whose supplies of unmanned aircraft have intensified bombings over densely populated urban areas.
Revealing who arms the perpetrators directly splashes key partners in the global energy and diplomatic network. Yes, global.
It is safer for Western editorial agendas to remain silent than to trace the route of the capital and supplies that finance the massacre. Right now, a major perpetrator of this infamous silence is enjoying his morning cappuccino and croissant in a comfortable office in Washington or Dubai, with air conditioning and a good view outside, and of course, with severe myopia in his soul.
Added to this is a structural epistemic racism that naturalizes violence on the African continent as an atavistic and inevitable phenomenon, exempting news networks from the ethical responsibility of reporting on the extermination of women, girls and little girls.
While European and North American editorial offices prioritize inbred debates, the complaints collected directly on the ground by the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa, in its June and July 2026 updates, confirm that in regions such as North Kordofan, and particularly in the vicinity of El Obeid, a regime of systematic hunting has been established. Women and little girls face a daily deadly dilemma: risking being targeted by armed drone attacks, like a video game, when fetching water during daylight hours, or being intercepted, kidnapped and assaulted by militias if they try to move under the cover of night.
At the same time, reports issued in July 2026 by the Sudanese Doctors Network and the World Health Organization confirm that the collapse of the health system exceeds eighty percent in areas of direct combat. The absolute shortage of post-exposure prophylaxis kits to prevent HIV infections and forced pregnancies after assaults turns survival into a sentence of physical and psychological torture prolonged into eternity.
Media silence is not neutral; it is an act of complicity. When was the last time you watched or read extensive coverage with the urgency that the case of Sudan deserves in the press? Every minute that the major networks omit this tragedy from their daily coverage, they grant a license to the armed factions and their international buyers of resources to continue using the bodies of women and little girls as the battlefield for their ambitions for power.
Independent journalism has the ethical duty to point out the root of this deliberate blindness and dismantle the siege of impunity. That is what we are doing.
References:
1. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and UN Women. Update reports on the humanitarian situation and gender-based violence in Sudan (July 2026).
2. United Nations Security Council. Report of the Group of Experts on Sudan established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005), concerning arms supply, logistics and financing networks for the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF).
3. Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA Network). Field monitoring reports on sexual violence and attacks against women and girls in North Kordofan and Darfur (June-July 2026).
4. World Health Organization (WHO) and Sudanese Doctors Network. Assessments of the collapse of the health system and the lack of emergency medical supplies in conflict zones (July 2026).
